We Are Entering the Age of Infinite Examination
This is from the becoming radical, April 27, 2013.
by P. L. Thomas
Taylor's discussion comes to an important element in the debate when he addresses Gates: "Because without understanding the causes of problems, we can't find solutions," explains Taylor, adding. "You're obviously trying to solve public education's version of the classic Ă˘chicken or eggĂ˘ conundrum."
Here, recognizing the education/poverty debate as a chick-or-egg problem is the crux of how this debate is missing the most important questions about poverty--and as a result, insuring that Duncan, Gates, Michelle Rhee, Paul Vallas, and other corporate reformers are winning the argument by perpetuating the argument.
The essential questions about poverty and education should not focus on whether we should address poverty to improve education (where I stand, based on the evidence and the words of Martin Luther King, Jr.) or whether we should reform education as the sole mechanism to alleviate poverty (the tenant of the "no excuses" ideology found at Knowledge Is Power Program [KIPP] charters); the essential question about poverty is: Who creates and allows poverty to exist in the wealthiest and most powerful country in recorded history?
The Conservative Nature of Power
As a basic point of logic, any organized entity--a society, a business, a school--has characteristics that are either created or tolerated by those in power controlling that organization. All entities are by their nature conservative--functioning to maintain the entity itself. In other words, institutions and their norms resist change, particularly radical change that threatens the hierarchy of power.
In the U.S., then, poverty exists in the wider society and performs a corrosive influence in the education system (among all of our social institutions, our Commons) because the ruling elite--political and corporate leaders--need poverty to maintain their elite status at the top of the hierarchy of power.
While the perpetual narratives promoted by the political and corporate elite through the media elite have allowed this point of logic to be masked and ignored in American society, we must face the reality that people with power drive the realities of those without power. Yes, the cultural narratives driven by the elite suggest that people trapped in poverty are somehow in control of that povertyĂ˘either creating it themselves due to their own sloth, that they somehow deserve their station in life, or failing to rise above that poverty (and this suggestion allows the source of poverty to be ignored) from their own failure to lift themselves up by their own bootstraps.
But that narrative has no basis in evidence--since those without power have control of that which creates the conditions benefiting the elite. The powerful allow those without power to have some token or artificial autonomy--as parents with children--in order to create the illusion of autonomy to keep revolt at bay; this is why the political and corporate elite use the word "choice" and perpetuate the myth that all classes in America have the same access to choice.
Poverty as Necessary for Current Hierarchies of Power
How does poverty benefit the powerful in the U.S.?
Just as we rarely consider the sources of poverty--who controls the conditions of our society--we rarely examine the conditions we are conditioned to associate with poverty and people living in poverty. Are the wealthy without crime? Without drug abuse? Without deceptions of all kinds? Of course not, but the consequences for these behaviors by someone living in privilege are dramatically different than the consequences for those trapped in poverty.
The ruling elite have created a culture where we see the consequences of poverty, but mask the realities of privilege.
Winners always believe the rules of the game to be fair, and winners need losers in order to maintain the status of "winner." The U.S., then, is a democracy only as a masking narrative that maintains the necessary tension among classesĂ˘the majority working-/middle-class ever fearful of slipping into poverty, and so consumed by that fear that they are too busy and fearful to consider who controls their lives: "those who are stuck at a machine and supervised for the rest of their lives." 
In the narrow debate about poverty and education, we are being manipulated once again by the ruling elite, within which Duncan and Gates function, to focus on the chicken-and-egg problem of poverty/education so that we fail to examine the ruling elite creating and tolerating poverty for their own benefit. By creating the debate they want, they are winning once again.
And that success derives in large part from their successful propaganda campaign about the value of testing.
The Meritocracy Myth, Science, and the Rise of New Gods
Now that I have argued for shifting the discourse about poverty and education away from the chick-and-egg problem to the role of sustaining and tolerating poverty for the benefit of the ruing elite, let's look at the central role testing plays in maintaining the status quo of power in the U.S. And let's build that consideration on a couple pillars of evidence.
First, despite decades committed to the science of objective, valid, and reliable standardized testing, outcomes from standardized tests remain most strongly correlated with the socio-economic status of the students. As well, standardized tests also remain biased instruments.
Next, more recently during the thirty-year accountability era, the overwhelming evidence shows that standards, testing, and accountability do not produce the outcomes that political proponents have claimed.
Thus, just as the poverty/education question should address who creates and allows poverty and why, the current and historical testing obsession should be challenged in terms of who is benefiting from our faith in testing and why.
The history of power, who sits at the top and how power is achieved, is one of creating leverage for the few at the expense of the many. To achieve that, often those at the top have resorted to explicit and wide-scale violence as well as fostering the perception that those at the top have been chosen, often by the gods or God, to lead--power is taken and/or deserved.
"God chose me" and "God told me" remain powerful in many cultures, but in a secular culture with an ambiguous attitude toward violence (keep the streets of certain neighborhoods here crime-free, but war in other countries is freedom fighting) such as the U.S., the ruling elite needed a secular god--thus, the rise of science, objectivity, and testing:
As I noted above, testing remains a reflection of the inequity gap in society and the high-stakes testing movement has not reformed education or society, so the rising call for even more testing of students, testing based on nationalized standards and used to control teachers, must have a purpose other than the Utopian claims by the political and corporate elite who are most invested in the rising testing-culture in the U.S.
That purpose, as with the necessity of poverty, is to maintain the status quo of a hierarchy of power and to give that hierarchy the appearance of objectivity, of science.
Standards, testing, and accountability are the new gods of the political and corporate elite.
Schools in the U.S. are designed primarily to coerce children to be compliant, to be docile; much of what we say and consider about education is related to discipline--classroom management is often central to teacher preparation and much of what happens during any school day:
In education reform, the surveillance of students, and now the surveillance of teachers, is not covert, but in plain view in the form of tests (and even Gates calling for cameras in all classrooms) allowing that surveillance to be disembodied from those students and teachersĂ˘and thus appearing to be impersonalĂ˘and examined as if objective and a reflection of merit.
Testing as surveillance in order to create compliance is central to maintaining hierarchies of power both within schools (where a premium is placed on docility of students and teachers) and society, where well-trained and compliant voters and workers sustain the positions of those in power:
The political and corporate elite in the U.S. have risen to their status of privilege within the "scientifico-legal complex" that both created that elite and is then perpetuated by that elite. As I noted above, the winners always believe the rules of the game to be fair and will work to maintain the rules that have produced their privilege.
The Expanded Test Culture--"The Age of Infinite Examination"
Foucault has recognized the central place for testing within the power dynamic that produces a hierarchy of authority:
Thus, as the rise of corporate paradigms to replace democratic paradigms has occurred in the U.S. over the last century, we can observe a rise in the prominence of testing along with how those tests are used. From the early decades of the twentieth century, testing in the U.S. has gradually increased and expanded in its role for labeling, sorting, and controlling students. In the twenty-first century, testing is now being wedged into a parallel use to control teachers.
Those in power persist in both casesĂ˘testing to control students and testing to control teachersĂ˘to claim that tests are a mechanism for achieving Utopian goals of democracy, meritocracy, and individual freedom, but in both cases, those claims are masks for implementing tests as the agent of powerful gods (science, objectivity, accountability) to justify the current hierarchy of powerĂ˘not to change society or education: "[T]he age of the Ă˘examiningĂ˘ school marked the beginnings of a pedagogy that functions as science." 
Foucault, in fact, identifies three ways that testing works to reinforce power dynamics, as opposed to providing data for education reform driven by a pursuit of social justice.
First, testing of individual students and using test data to identify individual teacher quality create a focus on the individual that reinforces discipline:
This use of testing resonated in President Obama's first term as Secretary Duncan simultaneously criticized the misuse of testing in No Child Left Behind and called for an expansion of testing (more years of a studentĂ˘s education, more areas of content, and more directly tied to individual teachers), resulting in: "We are entering the age of infinite examination and of compulsory objectification." 
Next, testing has provided a central goal of sustaining the hierarchy of power--"the calculation of gaps between individuals, their distribution in a given 'population.'"  Testing, in effect, does not provide data for addressing the equity/achievement gap, testing has created those gaps, labeled those gaps, and marginalized those below the codified level of standard.
What tends to be ignored in the testing debate is that some people with authority determine what is taught, how that content is taught, what is tested, and how that testing is conducted. In short, all testing is biased and ultimately arbitrary in the context of who has authority.
And finally, once the gaps are created and labeled through the stratifying of students and teachers:
Poverty and Testing--Tools of the Privileged
Within the perpetual education and education reform debates, the topics of poverty and testing are central themes (poverty is no excuse, and better tests are always being promised), but we too often are missing the key elements that should be addressed in the dynamic that exists between poverty and testing.
Yes, standardized tests remain primarily reflections of social inequity that those tests make possible, labeled as achievement gaps.
But the central evidence we should acknowledge is that the increased focus on testing coming from the political and corporate elite is proof that those in privilege are dedicated to maintaining poverty as central to their hierarchy of authority.
Standards, testing, accountability, science, and objectivity are the new gods that the ruling class uses to keep the working-/middle-class in a state of "perpetual anxiety," fearing the crisis de jure and the specter of slipping into povertyĂ˘realities that insure the momentum of the status quo.
* Reposted and revised/updated from earlier publication at Truthout.
 Foucault, M. (1984). The Foucault reader. Ed. P. Rabinow. New York: Pantheon Books. See FoucaultĂ˘s discussion of Ă˘perpetual anxietyĂ˘ (p. 144) in Ă˘The Birth of the AsylumĂ˘ from Madness and Civilization.
 Ibid., p. 177.
 Ibid., p. 170.
 Ibid., p. 189.
 Ibid., p. 195.
 Ibid., p. 197.
 Ibid., p. 198.
 Ibid., p. 199.
 Ibid., p. 200.
 Ibid., p. 202.
 Ibid., p. 203.
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