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LET’S DO THE NUMBERS: Department of Education's Race to the Top Program Offers Only a Muddled Path to the Finish Line Susan Notes:
The authors state flat out: The actual experience of RTT--in which the selection of particular states to receive competitive grants can't reasonably be justified--is further reason to abandon this approach for the future. And much more. Must reading.
Introduction The American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (the "stimulus" bill) provided $4.35 billion to the Department of Education for "Race to the Top" (RTT), a program in which states could apply for funds to implement education reform. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan established a competition to determine which states would receive the funds, and 40 states (plus the District of Columbia) entered. Of these, 16 were named as finalists, and in late March 2010, two states, Delaware and Tennessee, were announced as winners of the first round. The awards were substantial: Delaware got $100 million (or about $800 per pupil), and Tennessee got $500 million (or about $500 per pupil). In each case, the award represents about 7% of the total expenditures in these states for elementary and secondary education. To compete for RTT funds, governors were faced with quickly organizing existing resources to underwrite extensive grant-writing efforts. Some invested significant political energy and leadership to persuade school districts and teacher unions to endorse the applications, while others had to press legislatures to change state laws on charter schools and teacher evaluation. When the winners were announced, some governors expressed concern and disappointment at what one called an "inscrutable process," leaving them to wonder whether it would be worth participating in future rounds of the competition.1 Delaware and Tennessee won because they got the most points (454.6 and 444.2, respectively) out of a total of 500 points available. Five outside panelists2 reviewed each state’s application, including interviews with delegations from the finalist states, and awarded points for states' compliance with policies promoted by Secretary Duncan, such as participating in a national consortium to develop common standards in reading and math (maximum of 20 points) or using data to improve instruction (maximum of 18 points). Because the awards were based on precise numerical scores, the process was presented as objective and scientific. However, further examination suggests that the selection of Delaware and Tennessee was subjective and arbitrary, more a matter of bias or chance than a result of these states' superior compliance with reform policies.3 At a time of widespread fiscal crises in the states, when receipt of Race to the Top awards can determine whether class sizes will be increased and teachers laid off, such capricious decision-making is unfortunate. The Department of Education can use its distribution of funding as a “carrot” to stimulate states to improve their education policies, but when state budgets are as stressed as they are today, every state should get a fair share of federal funding, excepting only those that refuse to make good faith efforts to implement research-based improvements in elementary and secondary education. The Obama administration intends RTT to be the model for a new approach to the distribution of federal elementary and secondary education aid. Whatever its merit in flush times, the substitution of competition for uniform funding has no place in this time of state fiscal crisis. The actual experience of RTT--in which the selection of particular states to receive competitive grants can't reasonably be justified--is further reason to abandon this approach for the future. Dangers of metrics Quantitative metrics are a popular management tool. Such metrics can be used to describe objective performance, such as total school lunches served per day, or subjective factors, such as an evaluator's judgment of a teacher's skill in teaching math. When managers use metrics to evaluate overall performance, they must assign weights, or relative importance, to the various metrics. For example, a school's overall rating could be determined by a combination of a rating for lunches served (weighted as 25% in importance) and a rating for the math teacher’s skill (weighted as 75% in importance). Subjective judgment is required both for assigning weights to metrics, and for making judgments regarding performance on most individual metrics. In the latter case, dangers of subjectivity can be reduced by providing evaluators with detailed checklists (sometimes called "rubrics") describing the components of performance (e.g., in the case of the math teacher, assigning so many points for demonstrating understanding of the lesson, assigning a certain number of points for calling on children from different parts of the room, etc.), and by training evaluators by asking them to observe identical lessons and comparing the ratings to ensure "inter-rater reliability." If such precautions are not taken, or are insufficiently taken, then evaluations based on metrics can appear objective even though they in fact reflect only bias or chance. The RTT 500-point system suffers from several such deficiencies. RTT weights One source of false precision in the use of metrics for evaluation stems from the arbitrary assignment of weights to various indicators in a system. Some index systems make weights more credible by basing them on a survey (of opinion leaders, public officials, or the general public), asking respondents for their judgments regarding the relative importance of a list of factors, and then averaging the weights that respondents chose. In the case of RTT, Secretary Duncan and his staff chose provisional weights and then revised them after reviewing suggestions submitted by members of the public as part of a formal regulatory comment period. Several of the revisions made in this fashion made sense, but other well-founded suggestions were ignored.4 These arbitrary weights have enormous consequence. The RTT 500-point system The RTT 500-point system, shown in Table 1, has six major categories, seven general categories, and various subcategories. The primary weighted metrics consist of the 30 categories whose points are shown in italics. The first column in Table 1 is a list of the various categories selected by the Department of Education. We raise many questions below concerning the particular categories chosen, but this listing and its subjective evaluation are a reasonable first step by the Department to describe how it believes states should proceed to improve their educational programs. However, by assigning numbers to this process, the Department implies it has a testable theory or empirical data to back up its quantitative method. By making RTT a competitive system, the Department then locks itself into accepting the numerical scores as the specific criteria for selecting winners. The necessary subjective judgments required both for category selection and weight assignment makes a fair competition practically impossible, even if the competition is undertaken with great care. . . . For the rest of this paper, including the charts, go to the url below. William Peterson (bpeterson1931@yahoo.com) is a retired marine engineer with over 35 years experience in the management and maintenance of large commercial tankers and Navy ships, a lifelong interest in education, and in the use and misuse of numbers"-especially by managers. "Richard Rothstein (riroth@epi.org) is a research associate of the Economic Policy Institute.
William Peterson and Richard Rothstein |
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